European Resistance Archive/European Resistance Archive (ERA)
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Lipej Kolenik was born on the 22.9.1925 in Margarethen near Bleiburg/Šmarjeta pri Pliberku. He had his first contact with partisans in spring 1943. He did courier jobs. In August 1943, he had to go to the Wehrmacht; firstly, to be trained, but soon he was transtered to Slovenia and in the end of 1943 to the Italian front. Here he got heavy frostbites on his feet and was moved to several military hospitals, in the end to Klagenfurt. On the occasion of a visit on the farm of his parents, he deserted to the partisans. He was active in various units. In March, he was severely wounded and witnessed the liberation hidden in a bunker, with hardly any medical support. After war he was unemployed and stayed politically active. He was repeatedly arrested and imprisoned. He is chairman of the Carinthian partisan association.
Lipej Kolenik was born on the 22.9.1925 in Margarethen near Bleiburg/Šmarjeta pri Pliberku. He had his first contact with partisans in spring 1943. He did courier jobs. In August 1943, he had to go to the Wehrmacht; firstly, to be trained, but soon he was transtered to Slovenia and in the end of 1943 to the Italian front. Here he got heavy frostbites on his feet and was moved to several military hospitals, in the end to Klagenfurt. On the occasion of a visit on the farm of his parents, he deserted to the partisans. He was active in various units. In March, he was severely wounded and witnessed the liberation hidden in a bunker, with hardly any medical support. After war he was unemployed and stayed politically active. He was repeatedly arrested and imprisoned. He is chairman of the Carinthian partisan association.
Lipej Kolenik was born on the 22.9.1925 in Margarethen near Bleiburg/Šmarjeta pri Pliberku. He had his first contact with partisans in spring 1943. He did courier jobs. In August 1943, he had to go to the Wehrmacht; firstly, to be trained, but soon he was transtered to Slovenia and in the end of 1943 to the Italian front. Here he got heavy frostbites on his feet and was moved to several military hospitals, in the end to Klagenfurt. On the occasion of a visit on the farm of his parents, he deserted to the partisans. He was active in various units. In March, he was severely wounded and witnessed the liberation hidden in a bunker, with hardly any medical support. After war he was unemployed and stayed politically active. He was repeatedly arrested and imprisoned. He is chairman of the Carinthian partisan association. -
Vincent grows up in the Communist working class, his father soon takes him along to different demonstrations. As soon as he can, he joins the Communist Youth Movement. After the defeat (la débâcle) in June 1940 he returns to Nanterre. Upon his return to Nanterre he participates in political actions, as the reproduction and distribution of leaflets and posters. He is part of the « Forces unies de la jeunesse patriotique (FUJP) », the United Forces of the Patriotic Youth, a youth movement of political and religious orientation. In 1942 he goes underground, as he refuses to leave for forced labour in Germany. The character of his activities change, he becomes part of the Francs-Tireurs et Particants (FTP) (snipers and participants) and is responsible for the safety of the comrades that have public appearances. As an FTP-FFI he is responsible for the safety of the Communist mayor, Raymond Barbet, during the liberation of Nanterre on August 21st, 1944 and then assists during the fall of the fortress Mont Valérien. Vincent is demobilised in June 1945. After the war he returns to Nanterre and takes up his former profession as a mechanic in the Simca factory. But he is fired in 1947. From 1954 to 1966 he is head of the department childhood and physical education. In 1966 he begins to work in the office of the Sports and Gymnastics Labor Federation (FSGT) until his retirement in 1980. Throughout this time he keeps up his activities as a local representative in the municipality.Today he is the president of the ANACR section in the Hauts-Seine department. He visits schools together with former deportees to relate his experience as a former resistance fighter.
Vincent grows up in the Communist working class, his father soon takes him along to different demonstrations. As soon as he can, he joins the Communist Youth Movement. After the defeat (la débâcle) in June 1940 he returns to Nanterre. Upon his return to Nanterre he participates in political actions, as the reproduction and distribution of leaflets and posters. He is part of the « Forces unies de la jeunesse patriotique (FUJP) », the United Forces of the Patriotic Youth, a youth movement of political and religious orientation. In 1942 he goes underground, as he refuses to leave for forced labour in Germany. The character of his activities change, he becomes part of the Francs-Tireurs et Particants (FTP) (snipers and participants) and is responsible for the safety of the comrades that have public appearances. As an FTP-FFI he is responsible for the safety of the Communist mayor, Raymond Barbet, during the liberation of Nanterre on August 21st, 1944 and then assists during the fall of the fortress Mont Valérien. Vincent is demobilised in June 1945. After the war he returns to Nanterre and takes up his former profession as a mechanic in the Simca factory. But he is fired in 1947. From 1954 to 1966 he is head of the department childhood and physical education. In 1966 he begins to work in the office of the Sports and Gymnastics Labor Federation (FSGT) until his retirement in 1980. Throughout this time he keeps up his activities as a local representative in the municipality.Today he is the president of the ANACR section in the Hauts-Seine department. He visits schools together with former deportees to relate his experience as a former resistance fighter.
Vincent grows up in the Communist working class, his father soon takes him along to different demonstrations. As soon as he can, he joins the Communist Youth Movement. After the defeat (la débâcle) in June 1940 he returns to Nanterre. Upon his return to Nanterre he participates in political actions, as the reproduction and distribution of leaflets and posters. He is part of the « Forces unies de la jeunesse patriotique (FUJP) », the United Forces of the Patriotic Youth, a youth movement of political and religious orientation. In 1942 he goes underground, as he refuses to leave for forced labour in Germany. The character of his activities change, he becomes part of the Francs-Tireurs et Particants (FTP) (snipers and participants) and is responsible for the safety of the comrades that have public appearances. As an FTP-FFI he is responsible for the safety of the Communist mayor, Raymond Barbet, during the liberation of Nanterre on August 21st, 1944 and then assists during the fall of the fortress Mont Valérien. Vincent is demobilised in June 1945. After the war he returns to Nanterre and takes up his former profession as a mechanic in the Simca factory. But he is fired in 1947. From 1954 to 1966 he is head of the department childhood and physical education. In 1966 he begins to work in the office of the Sports and Gymnastics Labor Federation (FSGT) until his retirement in 1980. Throughout this time he keeps up his activities as a local representative in the municipality.Today he is the president of the ANACR section in the Hauts-Seine department. He visits schools together with former deportees to relate his experience as a former resistance fighter. -
Carlo Porta was born in Gavasseto di Reggio Emilia on May 18, 1919, into a large family of farm workers who followed the socialist ideas of Camillo Prampolini. At the age of sixteen he was already an active member of the Socialist Party, taking part in the International Red Relief by collecting small amounts of money or goods for the Republican fighters in Spain. After being employed as a factory worker at Officine Meccaniche Reggiane, an engineering plant that manufactured armaments during Mussolini’s regime, in 1938 he is called up for military service. While in the Army, authorities find out about his antifascist militancy: he is arrested and imprisoned in Civitavecchia, Regina Coeli (Rome), Reggio Emilia and Castelfranco Emilia. Perfunctorily judged by the Special Tribunal for National Security, he is sentenced to three years’ confinement in the farming penal colony of Pisticci (Matera), in the region of Basilicata. While in confinement, he meets chief figures of the Italian Communist Party, whose teachings would contribute to mould his political beliefs. At the end of the three years of confinement he returns to Reggio Emilia, but a few months later he is called to the Army again and sent to Albania with the Italian occupation forces. He is in Albania on the 8th of September of 1943, the day of the Armistice: captured by the Germans, he is sent to internment camps in Germany in stock wagons. He reaches his first destination after sixteen days and is interned as a IMI (Italian Interned Soldier) in the marshalling camp of Neubrandenburg. His identification number was 108 481. He is freed only two years later, while in the Wickede camp, near Dortmund.
Carlo Porta was born in Gavasseto di Reggio Emilia on May 18, 1919, into a large family of farm workers who followed the socialist ideas of Camillo Prampolini. At the age of sixteen he was already an active member of the Socialist Party, taking part in the International Red Relief by collecting small amounts of money or goods for the Republican fighters in Spain. After being employed as a factory worker at Officine Meccaniche Reggiane, an engineering plant that manufactured armaments during Mussolini’s regime, in 1938 he is called up for military service. While in the Army, authorities find out about his antifascist militancy: he is arrested and imprisoned in Civitavecchia, Regina Coeli (Rome), Reggio Emilia and Castelfranco Emilia. Perfunctorily judged by the Special Tribunal for National Security, he is sentenced to three years’ confinement in the farming penal colony of Pisticci (Matera), in the region of Basilicata. While in confinement, he meets chief figures of the Italian Communist Party, whose teachings would contribute to mould his political beliefs. At the end of the three years of confinement he returns to Reggio Emilia, but a few months later he is called to the Army again and sent to Albania with the Italian occupation forces. He is in Albania on the 8th of September of 1943, the day of the Armistice: captured by the Germans, he is sent to internment camps in Germany in stock wagons. He reaches his first destination after sixteen days and is interned as a IMI (Italian Interned Soldier) in the marshalling camp of Neubrandenburg. His identification number was 108 481. He is freed only two years later, while in the Wickede camp, near Dortmund.
Carlo Porta was born in Gavasseto di Reggio Emilia on May 18, 1919, into a large family of farm workers who followed the socialist ideas of Camillo Prampolini. At the age of sixteen he was already an active member of the Socialist Party, taking part in the International Red Relief by collecting small amounts of money or goods for the Republican fighters in Spain. After being employed as a factory worker at Officine Meccaniche Reggiane, an engineering plant that manufactured armaments during Mussolini’s regime, in 1938 he is called up for military service. While in the Army, authorities find out about his antifascist militancy: he is arrested and imprisoned in Civitavecchia, Regina Coeli (Rome), Reggio Emilia and Castelfranco Emilia. Perfunctorily judged by the Special Tribunal for National Security, he is sentenced to three years’ confinement in the farming penal colony of Pisticci (Matera), in the region of Basilicata. While in confinement, he meets chief figures of the Italian Communist Party, whose teachings would contribute to mould his political beliefs. At the end of the three years of confinement he returns to Reggio Emilia, but a few months later he is called to the Army again and sent to Albania with the Italian occupation forces. He is in Albania on the 8th of September of 1943, the day of the Armistice: captured by the Germans, he is sent to internment camps in Germany in stock wagons. He reaches his first destination after sixteen days and is interned as a IMI (Italian Interned Soldier) in the marshalling camp of Neubrandenburg. His identification number was 108 481. He is freed only two years later, while in the Wickede camp, near Dortmund. -
Camillo Marmiroli was born into a family of socialist day labourers and was called Camillo in honour of Camillo Prampolini. At the age of 19, he was tortured because of his decision not to take part in fascist activities. In March, 1940, he was sent to Yugoslavia with the Italian army and stayed there for almost three years, becoming a witness of the atrocities carried out by his fellow nationals. After September 8th, 1943, he managed to get back to Italy after a long journey together with some 600 brothers in arms. When he reached Reggio Emilia he had to hide, being a deserter, and after a few months joined the partisans adopting the nickname Mirko, in honour of a Slavic resistance fighter he knew. He was immediately deployed in the area between Villa Minozzo and the province of Modena and took part in a number of military actions in the Apennines like the attack to the fascist outpost in Busana and the Sparavalle battle on June 10th, 1944. During his time in the resistance movement he took advantage of his military experience in the Yugoslav war, teaching a lot of young fighters the tactics of warfare. At the end of the liberation war he was appointed vice-commander of the 144th Garibaldi brigade.
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Ulisse Gilioli was born in Montecavolo near Quattro Castella in the province of Reggio Emilia on May 26th, 1921 into a peasant family. Ulisse studied at the Salesians in Montechiarugolo near Parma and then as an autodidact until he started working at Capolo, where he worked for short periods. In Montecchio he became friends with some other young people united by the aversion to the fascist regime. In 1939-40 he worked in Rome at the Ministry of Transport until he had to start military service. At the beginning of the war he took part in military actions as an airman on the Mediterranean islands. On September 8th, 1943 he was on duty in Milano from where he fled to return to Montecchio. He later joined his brother Guerrino and other fellows in the mountains. With the nickname Orazio he fought on the mountains near Villa Minozzo and took the inspiration from these episodes for writing partisan stories and poems. Together with Lando Landini and Davide Valeriani he wrote in the journals “Il Volontario della Libertà” and “Il Garibaldino” that were read among the resistance fighters and civilians in the mountains.
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Francesco Bertacchini was born on June 24th, 1926 in Reggio Emilia. As a young apprentice in a radio and gramophone shop he discovered his love for music and his aversion to the fascist regime because of the restrictions he had to suffer from in his daily life. After the armistice of September 8th, 1943,aged 17 he and his best friend went to the mountains looking for the “rebels”. They were willing to become a rebel themselves and eventually succeeded, joining the 144th Garibaldi Brigade. Francesco took part in actions in the area of Succiso and Cerreto, attempting sabotage actions against the German troops on the road number 63. He was part of the “Antifascist” unit and of the “Cervi” unit with the nickname “Volpe” (“Fox”) and by pure chance was not involved in the Legoreccio massacre of November 17th, 1944, in which all his companions were killed. He took part in several actions in the Enza valley and in fights in Bibbiano, Barco and Cavriago. As he found himself surrounded by German troops he crossed the river Enza in October, 1944, and reached the territory of Parma first and Piacenza later. He took part in the Liberation of Parma and reached his home town Reggio Emilia in the night of April, 24th, 1944, when the city had already been liberated.
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We protected the partisans so much when we were kids; they were our friends and the Germans were our enemies.
We protected the partisans so much when we were kids; they were our friends and the Germans were our enemies.
We protected the partisans so much when we were kids; they were our friends and the Germans were our enemies. -
One said: »I´ll do some collecting.« We used the collected money for the ›Rote Hilfe‹ (political help organ).
One said: »I´ll do some collecting.« We used the collected money for the ›Rote Hilfe‹ (political help organ).
One said: »I´ll do some collecting.« We used the collected money for the ›Rote Hilfe‹ (political help organ). -
You would deliberately throw a spanner in the works, as long as you could and as long as you could breathe.
You would deliberately throw a spanner in the works, as long as you could and as long as you could breathe.
You would deliberately throw a spanner in the works, as long as you could and as long as you could breathe. -
Well, did I kill somebody... We did shoot, but then knowing if we killed them for sure is another story.
Well, did I kill somebody... We did shoot, but then knowing if we killed them for sure is another story.
Well, did I kill somebody... We did shoot, but then knowing if we killed them for sure is another story. -
That’s what the partisan struggle was about. Fourteen months more or less, constantly: these actions, these deaths.
That’s what the partisan struggle was about. Fourteen months more or less, constantly: these actions, these deaths.
That’s what the partisan struggle was about. Fourteen months more or less, constantly: these actions, these deaths. -
When you were taken to an investigation, when you could not walk any more, you were brought to the cell.
When you were taken to an investigation, when you could not walk any more, you were brought to the cell.
When you were taken to an investigation, when you could not walk any more, you were brought to the cell. -
I went to a lady that I saw once in my life. It was my contact spot. She said to me: you can save a child.
I went to a lady that I saw once in my life. It was my contact spot. She said to me: you can save a child.
I went to a lady that I saw once in my life. It was my contact spot. She said to me: you can save a child. -
They did not want us in sabotage, we were too young. Our scout authorities made it clear not to get us into sabotage.
They did not want us in sabotage, we were too young. Our scout authorities made it clear not to get us into sabotage.
They did not want us in sabotage, we were too young. Our scout authorities made it clear not to get us into sabotage. -
There was no real future for us. But that made you stronger to go into the resistance and help wherever you could.
There was no real future for us. But that made you stronger to go into the resistance and help wherever you could.
There was no real future for us. But that made you stronger to go into the resistance and help wherever you could. -
You are young people. Don’t fight with each other. Be collegial. Be friends because you don’t know what the tomorrow will be like.
You are young people. Don’t fight with each other. Be collegial. Be friends because you don’t know what the tomorrow will be like.
You are young people. Don’t fight with each other. Be collegial. Be friends because you don’t know what the tomorrow will be like. -
The Resistance for me was just like going to university. I learned to feel confident throughout my whole life.
The Resistance for me was just like going to university. I learned to feel confident throughout my whole life.
The Resistance for me was just like going to university. I learned to feel confident throughout my whole life. -
I remember Strozzi saying: »War has never brought anything good for the poor.«
I remember Strozzi saying: »War has never brought anything good for the poor.«
I remember Strozzi saying: »War has never brought anything good for the poor.« -
What did we know about politics? With fascism, you could only read what they gave to you, and you didn’t even have the right to make comments.
What did we know about politics? With fascism, you could only read what they gave to you, and you didn’t even have the right to make comments.
What did we know about politics? With fascism, you could only read what they gave to you, and you didn’t even have the right to make comments. -
I started to run as fast as I could. I was skinny then and 23 years old. The soldier took out his gun and started shooting at me.
I started to run as fast as I could. I was skinny then and 23 years old. The soldier took out his gun and started shooting at me.
I started to run as fast as I could. I was skinny then and 23 years old. The soldier took out his gun and started shooting at me.